Hindutva Violence and Women

Joydip Ghosal

Hindutva and Violence Against Women by Brinda Karat (Publisher: Speaking Tiger) is a detailed exposition of the undemocratic nature of the Hindutva ecosystem. This fundamentally communal regime is also trying to legitimise sexual violence which is directed against women. As an activist, she brings to the fore in this monograph how this regressive eco-system draws its strength from misogynistic ideologues. According to her the religious identities of the perpetrators and the victims determine the approach of the establishment. The law enforcing agencies, and the courts also get impacted by those identities. The political supremacy of Hindutva also unleashed a profound influence upon the discourse since 2014.

This book is dedicated to those who resist the bulldozers of majoritarian injustice. On August 15, 2022 when India celebrated seventy-five years of her independence Prime Minister in his speech made a specific reference to women. “Can we not pledge to get rid of every behaviour and culture that humiliates and demeans women in our daily life?” A few hours later eleven men who were convicted of gang rape, and murders walked out of the prison in Godhra. They had been granted remission. This book points out that the central home ministry led by Amit Shah examined their cases. These men were garlanded. According to the author in such a sensitive case no one would dare sanction without the explicit permission of the supreme leader of the government. In an affidavit the Gujarat government told the Supreme Court that its decision to grant premature release as part of the celebration of “AzadiKaAmritMahotsav” had the approval of the central government. The author here asks the pertinent question of why the supreme leader of the country who asks fellow countrymen to make a pledge to get rid of the very behaviour that humiliates and demeans women does not castigate the ‘sickening felicitation’ of those perpetrators. The author had been involved with the work of the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA). As an activist, she witnessed innumerable cases of the vilest brutality. Leaders across the political spectrum use languages that are misogynist and sexiest in nature. As an activist, she fought against the promotion of a cultural set-up that objectified women. She also struggled hard against the commodification of women. She enunciated that as the Dalit and Adivasi women are at the tri-junction of patriarchy, caste, and class they are the victims of extreme levels of cruelties. She draws attention to the fact that equally prevalent is the culture that attempts to relegate abuse and domestic violence against women within the ‘private sphere’ where speaking about that is considered taboo. But she is driven by the question of what makes the BilkisBano case a manifestation of the changing realities happening in the framework of prevention of violence, punishment for the same, and rehabilitation for the victim. This book delves deeper into the proceedings that made it possible for the perpetrators to get themselves released. She urges the readers that instead of pondering upon the case in an isolated way one needs to place it within the broader framework. This book peels off the internal logic of the majoritarian framework of politics. It commences as demonisation of a particular community but it extends to other communities who do not fit into the framework designed by majoritarian politics.

It is quite obvious that a political party which is at the helm of affairs would seek to execute its own policy and agenda. But BrindaKarart rightly points out that a fundamentally altered situation in India is witnessed by its citizen because of the nature of the agenda set by RSS and BJP. Thus the slogan of establishment of ‘Hindu Supremacy’ militates against the Constitution of India. The author shows that this majority is not linked to democratic majority. These days this exponential growth of majoritarianism is based upon sectarian religious identity. It launches its attack on other beliefs. This type of majoritarianism has earned many brownie points. A parliamentary majority has been used to undermine the basic tenets of the Constitution. This majoritarianism is marching towards the fulfilment of a narrow agenda i.e. Hindutva. This has left serious implications for women’s autonomy, rights-based framework, and equality. All these are intrinsically linked to the equal democratic rights enshrined in the Constitution. According to the author in the last decade, people have witnessed the rapid growth of ideologies linked to the Hindutva project which directly affects women. With the homogenisation of expressions and beliefs, it seeks to build an overarching identity. The author terms anti-minority bigotry, a basic tenet of Hindutva ‘communal majoritarianism.’

The author identifies here certain vital aspects that have direct bearing on the struggle for justice for women against the appointment to important positions of those whose only merit is loyalty to a particular ideology, the subversion of democratic institutions. The ideological alignment of certain sections of the judiciary gravely undermines the principle of justice. Eco-system is a favourite phrase of Sangh Parivar. They use the term to denigrate the left and liberals. The author clearly shows that according to Hindutva ideologues lessons used to empower children against sexual abuse are tantamount to evil. According to them, it is a part of left eco-system. The religious identity of perpetrators and victims also plays a pivotal role in communalised eco-system. The government grants impunity to perpetrators of sexual crimes when such history-sheeters belonging to the majority community are allowed to walk away.

In this book, one gets a detailed and comprehensive picture of the Bilkis Bano case. A judicial intervention salvaged justice from getting trampled by government order. But it brings forth a glaring fact – the weakening of the institutional foundation of justice.

The author enunciates that she is against the death sentence because of its arbitrary and subjective nature. The Nirbhaya case qualified as ‘the rarest of the rare category’. But the Bilkis case, horrible and macabre did not fit that category.

In cases where stringent punishments were delivered the instances of collective conscience were given. The expression of public opinion in favour or against influenced the court and the courts admitted that. The author here raises a pertinent question. In a political setup where ‘collective conscience’ can be moulded such reasoning can lead to grave injustice. On the other hand if the ‘collective conscience’ is suppressed or nowhere to be seen influenced by the identity of the accused or victim will the punishment be less? With the author people are quite sure that in today’s political scenario this question is gaining relevance. In yester years ruling dispensation even if colluded with the elites would use guiles to do it. “Now even such pretense is dispensed with.”

The author visited Manipur and detailed her impression after the mayhem. There were many complexities and differing perceptions. Political solution is the urgent requirement. Dialogue between communities needed to be conducted. But chief minister was the biggest hurdle. So, demand for his resignation was resonated across the communities.

Her empathy for the women who had to bear the dehumanising impact of such divisive politics is also evident in the book. Author agrees with the view of Nehru that the communalism of majority community is more dangerous than the communalism of minority community because it masquerades as nationalism. So the struggle for advance of a rights based framework was always in confrontation with fundamentalist forces.

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Frontier
Vol 57, No. 2, Jul 7 - 13, 2024